There are a few peo­ple who have said that the Emer­gency and War Power Act writ­ten into the Con­sti­tu­tion was used by Roo­sevelt dur­ing 1933 to cre­ate cer­tain laws that made us the enemy. This state­ment is true to the extent that Roo­sevelt made us the “enemy” of the Fed­eral Reserve Sys­tem. How­ever, we have to go back fur­ther in His­tory to find when these pow­ers (Emer­gency Power /War Power) were first and sub­se­quently used.

Does 14th Amend­ment mean any­thing to you? Do you know that only 14th Amend­ment peo­ple can use the Bill of Rights and when you do invoke any of the orig­i­nal ten Bill of Rights you admit to being cov­ered by the 14th and the Ash­wan­der doc­trine will bury you? So beware, you will go into cog­ni­tive dis­so­nance, guar­an­teed because your core beliefs will be shat­tered to say the least and you will not think the same things you have for all your life to this point, IF it does sink in what this crim­i­nal gov­ern­ment has done to all of us today, and all your fam­ily all the way back to 1776.

The fol­low­ing is gleaned from a book called Cases in Con­sti­tu­tional Law, last pub­lished 1967, Library of Con­gress Card 68–18704, by Robert E and Robert F Cush­man. It con­tains 159 cases and over 100 cases com­mented on or referred to in the 159 cases. The book is 1168 pages. The book tells you how the Bill of Rights was nationalized.

From the begin­ning, the county has been used as the basic local unit in the judi­cial sys­tem and for law enforce­ment — there one finds the court, the cour­t­house, the sher­iff, the jail, the clerk, and the court records. But the court is not a county court; it is a unit of the state’s judi­cial sys­tem. The judge, the solic­i­tor, the clerk, and the mag­is­trates are state offi­cials who admin­is­ter state law, not county law.

“Sec­tion 9 of the First Judi­ciary Act granted the Dis­trict Courts mar­itime juris­dic­tion. This juris­dic­tion has remained unchanged in sub­stance to the present day.”

“A deadly blow has been struck at the Sov­er­eignty of the States, and from a quar­ter so far removed from the peo­ple as to be hardly acces­si­ble to pub­lic opin­ion .…We are awfully impressed with a con­vic­tion that the wel­fare of the Union has received a more dan­ger­ous wound than fifty Hart­ford Con­ven­tions, hate­ful as that assem­blage was, could inflict … and which may be wielded to destroy the whole rev­enues and so do away with the Sov­er­eign­ties of the States.”

Since 1990 I have been preach­ing that the Con­sti­tu­tion was never mine and the Peo­ple in “We the Peo­ple” was not the com­mon man on the street, but rather the aris­toc­racy of Hamil­ton, Jef­fer­son, Adams, Wash­ing­ton, Jay and oth­ers. Lysander Spooner is another man in the 1800’s that had the same sen­ti­ments. He too showed that the con­sti­tu­tion was not only NOT a con­tract with the peo­ple, but that none of the sign­ers signed it with any con­vic­tion and it is evi­dent that they only signed in a wit­ness capac­ity, check it out for your­self by look­ing at how they signed the con­sti­tu­tion and bound no one unless they agreed to the terms in the alleged con­tract called a con­sti­tu­tion that they drafted.

Fic­tions were invented by the Roman prae­tors who, not pos­sess­ing the power to abro­gate the law, were nev­er­the­less will­ing to dero­gate from it under the pre­tense of doing equity. Fic­tion is the resource of weak­ness which, in order to obtain its object, assumes as a fact what is known to be con­trary to truth: when the leg­is­la­tor desires to accom­plish his object, he need not feign, he com­mands. Fic­tions of law owe their ori­gin to the leg­isla­tive usurpa­tions of the bench.